{"@context":"http://iiif.io/api/presentation/3/context.json","id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/iiif/tm71v5c28z/manifest","type":"Manifest","label":{"en":["Whoopin', Shoutin', and Singin': The African American Sermonette at the Crossroads of Class and Race in the 1920s"]},"logo":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/organizations/logo_images/000/000/019/original/ARSC_Full_Logo_RGB_K.jpg?1605438091","metadata":[{"label":{"en":["Agent"]},"value":{"en":["Terri Brinegar (Presenter)","David N. Lewis (Chair)","Michael Biel (Videographer)","Leah Biel (Videographer)"]}},{"label":{"en":["Date"]},"value":{"en":["2016-05-14 (Created)"]}},{"label":{"en":["Format"]},"value":{"en":["Video","Audio"]}},{"label":{"en":["Description"]},"value":{"en":["\u003cp\u003eAs middle-class African Americans sought to establish “modern” cultural, artistic, and intellectual ways of expression in the interwar period, the introduction of religious race records in the 1920s created conflicts as both antagonizing and aggrandizing factors for raced and classed bodies. The “folk” vocalizations of black preachers and their congregations, known as “sermonettes,” were favored by working-class blacks and embedded in the tradition of slavery, which created areas of contention the emerging middle-class sought to overcome. These religious race recordings became public venues for a new form of modernity in which working class blacks were able to contest the ideals of middle-class values and aesthetics. As religious race recordings expanded into the public arena as a continuation of oral traditions, they challenged notions of racial uplift, in which education and written discourses were one of the preferred expressions of modernity. Analysis of vocal traits in recordings by Reverends J. M. Gates and Sutton Griggs provide insights into the complex layering of class and racial conflicts occurring in this era, giving a literal voice to traditional folkways while simultaneously embodying modernist ideologies.\u003c/p\u003e"]}},{"label":{"en":["Language"]},"value":{"en":["English"]}},{"label":{"en":["Publisher"]},"value":{"en":["Association for Recorded Sound Collections"]}},{"label":{"en":["Rights Statement"]},"value":{"en":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright Association for Recorded Sound Collections\u003c/p\u003e"]}},{"label":{"en":["Video Editor"]},"value":{"en":["Nathan Georgitis"]}}],"summary":{"en":["\u003cp\u003eAs middle-class African Americans sought to establish \u0026ldquo;modern\u0026rdquo; cultural, artistic, and intellectual ways of expression in the interwar period, the introduction of religious race records in the 1920s created conflicts as both antagonizing and aggrandizing factors for raced and classed bodies. The \u0026ldquo;folk\u0026rdquo; vocalizations of black preachers and their congregations, known as \u0026ldquo;sermonettes,\u0026rdquo; were favored by working-class blacks and embedded in the tradition of slavery, which created areas of contention the emerging middle-class sought to overcome. These religious race recordings became public venues for a new form of modernity in which working class blacks were able to contest the ideals of middle-class values and aesthetics. As religious race recordings expanded into the public arena as a continuation of oral traditions, they challenged notions of racial uplift, in which education and written discourses were one of the preferred expressions of modernity. Analysis of vocal traits in recordings by Reverends J. M. Gates and Sutton Griggs provide insights into the complex layering of class and racial conflicts occurring in this era, giving a literal voice to traditional folkways while simultaneously embodying modernist ideologies.\u003c/p\u003e"]},"requiredStatement":{"label":{"en":["Attribution"]},"value":{"en":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright Association for Recorded Sound Collections\u003c/p\u003e"]}},"provider":[{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/aboutus","type":"Agent","label":{"en":["Association for Recorded Sound Collections"]},"homepage":[{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/","type":"Text","label":{"en":["Association for Recorded Sound Collections"]},"format":"text/html"}],"logo":[{"id":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/organizations/logo_images/000/000/019/original/ARSC_Full_Logo_RGB_K.jpg?1605438091","type":"Image"}]}],"thumbnail":[{"id":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/collection_resource_files/thumbnails/000/097/532/small/open-uri20200922-6764-kzpuhv_1600816229.jpg?1600801857","type":"Image","format":"image/jpeg"}],"items":[{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532","type":"Canvas","label":{"en":["Media File 1 of 2 - open-uri20200922-6764-kzpuhv.mp4"]},"duration":1684.75733,"width":640,"height":360,"thumbnail":[{"id":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/collection_resource_files/thumbnails/000/097/532/small/open-uri20200922-6764-kzpuhv_1600816229.jpg?1600801857","type":"Image","format":"image/jpeg"}],"items":[{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/content/1","type":"AnnotationPage","items":[{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/content/1/annotation/1","type":"Annotation","motivation":"painting","body":{"id":"https://aviary-p-arsc.s3.wasabisys.com/collection_resource_files/resource_files/000/097/532/original/open-uri20200922-6764-kzpuhv.mp4?1600801799","type":"Video","format":"video/mp4","duration":1684.75733,"width":640,"height":360},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532","metadata":[]}]}],"annotations":[{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991","type":"AnnotationPage","label":{"en":["AUTO_TRINT_Whoopin', Shoutin', and Singin': The African American Sermonette at the Crossroads of Class and Race in the 1920s [Transcript]"]},"items":[{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/1","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"Hello, everyone. I'm Uncle Dave Lewis and UN conference chair for this session, which is, I believe, called musicology and pedagogy. I used to have this boring little speech that I would do for musicological meetings in the arts conference about the historic gulf between musicology and recorded sound research. But you'll be thankful that I won't bore you with that this time. Instead, I'd much rather introduce our first speaker. And allow me to grab a copy of the conference program so I don't try to do the title of her paper from memory. Terry Brinegar is a P.H. D student in ethnomusicology at the University of Florida. She holds a master of arts degree in classical voice from the University of Central Florida and a Bachelor of Music degree in classical voice from North Texas State University. She has had extensive performing experience in Los Angeles, singing blues and classic R\u0026D, and currently sings with the University of Florida Gospel Choir. While living in Nashville, Terry pursued songwriting and produced three original music c.D. She is also an author. How Leonard Publishers released her book, Vocal and Stage Essentials for the Aspiring Female R and B Singer in 2012. Terry's areas of interest include African-American music, specifically related to singing practices spanning from the Negro spiritual to contemporary R and B. Her current research focuses on recorded sermons on race records from the 1920s. The title of her paper is Whipping Shoutin and singing the African-American Sermonette at the Crossroads of Race and Class in the 1920s. Please welcome Terry Brinegar. Hello, welcome, everybody. Good. Got a good lunch. There was nothing downstairs before I start. I'm going to play a recording. Is that of concentrating the man's attention? Upon himself. We are to be found examining our neighbors rather than ourselves.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532#t=13.52,185.97"},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/2","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"The recording you have just heard is by Reverend Sutton Griggs, a black, middle class, college educated Baptist minister from Texas who recorded six sermons in 1928 on the Victor label and preached in a calm, reserved manner. A typical of most black denominations of the time. By the time of these recordings, Reverend Griggs had published self penned novels in which he promoted black pride, black separatism and black independence and self-reliance. When Greene's novels failed to generate sufficient sales from within the black community, he abandoned his strategy to direct his literature towards the race and instead turned to the support from white financial backers. This garnered him titles of, quote, accommodationist marginal man, a confused mellado and the Negro apostle to the white race, end quote. Briggs came to represent one aspect of two opposing theories of racial uplift established by black intellectual leaders in the early decades of the 20th century, one in which racial uplift meant accommodation to the dominant society's ideals as a means to achieve equality, and the other, a denial of these ideals and a rejection of accommodation in favor of equal rights. Thus, recordings of sermons by other preachers of the time suggest a different esthetic orientation rooted in vernacular black traditions of the rural and urban working class. The purpose of this paper is to highlight the complex, interlocking nature of race and class in the African-American community. In the 1920s, through an examination of recorded religious sermons by two African-American preachers of the J. Reverend J.M. Gates and Reverend Sutton Griggs. These sermons are part of a larger set of race records of the era. Beginning in 1925, three minute condensed sermons called sermonettes were recorded on 78 R.P.M. recordings and disseminated on race records by companies such as Paramount OK.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532#t=188.25,308.71"},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/3","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"Victor Vocalic in sermonettes often outsold popular race recordings of secular blues and the popularity of both religious and secular blues. Recordings speak to the diverse nature of black communities of the time and to their conflicted relationship to the music industry. Recorded sermons proved to be extremely popular and provided sonic material evidence of two types of religious singing styles within black communities. In the early 20th century, droves of black immigrants started leaving southern states in search of better economic opportunities in northern cities such as New York and Chicago. Although the recording industry was often located in northern cities, many record companies would send out field units to record in the south, thus providing opportunities for both the record company and southern black preachers who were able to disseminate the recorded sermons via these companies. Despite the cost of records, working class blacks enthusiastically purchase these recordings. Some record labels, such as the white owned Paramount Records, refused to record any music other than blues, which was thought by church authorities to be, quote unquote, the devil's music, but was widely accessible in black communities through race records. Record companies in the emerging popular music industry seize the opportunity to commodify not only secular blues recordings but also black religious experience through recorded sermons, especially among women blues performers such as Bessie Smith. Secular blues race recordings in the 1920s came to be associated with tropes of sexual freedom. Alcohol consumption and other transgressions was contrasted with the strict moral codes and the religious traditions of both working class and middle class black churches. Regardless, both sacred and secular race records were marketed together through advertisements in black on national publications like The Chicago Defender, and both presented vernacular musical esthetics marked by similar vocal timbres. Use of the pentatonic scale and vocal melisma as these recordings became a public forum became a forum for multiple voices in the public arena.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532#t=309.36,447.03"},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/4","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"Similarly, the voices of southern black male preachers and their predominantly female congregation choruses featured on recorded sermons present two opposing modes of expression. The first effectively exemplifies traditional participatory expressions of black working class communities through sonorous and multilayered renditions of preaching and singing. The second links sound esthetics to sophistication and modernity rooted in white Victorian related sounds of vocality such. Clean and even tempered vocalizations present in middle class churches, these opposing styles and contrasting esthetics reflected the conflicting and competing cultural values of race and class in alternative forms of modernity articulated through musical practices and the commercial terrain of race records. Prior to the emergence of race records, however, cleans out ascetics were exhibited in earlier singing styles. The Fisk Jubilee Singers, for example, presented concertizing and renditions of the Negro spiritual that offered, quote, predictability, control, reserve and the absence of overt demonstrative behavior, unquote, in an effort to appeal to profit generating white middle class audiences. The Fiske's adoption of middle class sound esthetics in an effort to appeal to white audiences revealed their desire to achieve a quote unquote, modern and clean sound as authentic, conflicting opinions from within the black community speak to the discrepancies of those who were torn between authentic representations and those that were deemed as modern. For example, w w e b. Dubois praised them as a quote, rare beauty. But Zora Neale Hurston denounced their performance style as, quote, full of musical tricks and a Glee Club style, unquote. As Grand always suggest, the Victorian ideal of the modern and civilized voice was based on a soft voice with pure or good tone style and the techniques of European classical singing. The finest singers exemplified new modern vocalizations that attempted to fulfill European standards of art, such as emphasizing vocal harmony.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532#t=449.49,590.31"},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/5","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"And these were juxtaposed against shouting voices that were conceptualized as rough and vulgar and most often associated with the Negro voice and black and white working class esthetics. The black middle class sought to uplift the race by adopting European vocal ascetics, which were thought to be representations of the, quote, modern singing voice. A 1981 article from The Outlook, written by Ernest Hamlett Abbott, a white man researching emotionalism in Negro churches in the South, describes this class conflict in two styles of preaching in southern black churches. He describes one preacher as having a, quote, hoarse and screaming voice and uncontrolled and artificially aroused emotion and another who focused on, quote, very plain speaking, unquote, as reported to Abbott. WBB DeBois described two distinct styles in black churches, one in the quote, hallelujah order and the other favored by the younger generation who are ashamed. These emotional outbreaks impotent. Although Dubois's comments do not specifically identify the issue of class, the younger generation articulates the view of the black middle class who sought to uplift the race with sophistication of modernity and distanced themselves from the emotional musical expressions associated with the working class. Although some of the black community attempted to uplift the race through the adoption of Victorian singing esthetics, race records in the 1920s opened up a space for a new type of modernity involving cutting edge technological achievement such as electric rather than older acoustic recording methods. The emergence of religious religious race records in the 1920s contradicted and complicated such notions of racial uplift and folk authenticity by providing alternative for nucular forms of modernity disseminated through the public venue of commercial recordings. Although race records were primarily white owned commercial ventures, black preachers used the format to disseminate working class esthetics.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532#t=591.0,725.94"},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/6","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"The ever recorded sermonettes giving value to these vernacular musical practices and a literal voice to members of the black working class that were previously dismissed by both black intellectuals and whites as being base and overemotional in the studio recordings of sermons. Ministers would often bring a handful of congregants, usually female, along with them to the studio to simulate a live performance, which would include shouting and singing with expressive timbres. During the minister's sermon. Recordings develop by black preachers such as Reverend Gene Gates most likely drew from the preaching styles in southern black churches, which included sermons based on themes from biblical verses. Shouting and an interweaving of improvizational expressions between preacher and congregation, resulting in a shared co creative and participatory flow of sound. Reverend Gates, a minister of the Mount Calvary Baptist Church in Atlanta, Georgia, where he pastored for 26 years beginning in 1916, recorded more than 90 recordings in 1926 alone and a total of over 220 sites on over 20 labels between 1926 and 1941. He preached on themes of current events and issues of the day. Fine. His sermon, Jonah and the Whale, recorded in 1927, demonstrated some of the qualities of his style presented on On Record, featuring modern electric audio recording technology on the recording. He begins in a calm spoken delivery and introduces the scripture from which his sermon will focus. Jonah. Chapter one, verse 17. I'm not the first person in her life without a verb. So within one minute he has centered his pitch on Middle C and starts intoning, intoning it's a half spoken, half sung technique, which has been called, quote, whipping, intoning, chanting, moaning and tuning or tuning up in, quote, in which the minister vocalizes around a primary pitch or tonic in the front of the room reading through our solar system cinema reader, you know, little by little gates, expanses range to a minor third and then the perfect fifth.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532#t=726.93,883.14"},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/7","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"As the melodic range expands, his vocal chords become more constricted as he moves from his speaking voice to deep throated growls, articulating distinct pitches of the minor pentatonic scale five, four and flat three one evolving into a fully sung blues like melody at one minute 35 by. Where when you to at women at 48, the background singers, including a male vocalist in this example layer a major pentatonic based 10 melody. While Gates draws on the sea tannic pitch, creating a dense layering effect. I mean, the captain made up my mind. It was rather. Alive. And Harvard ethnomusicologists Ingrid Monson has discussed the importance of complex layered patterns and textures in African diaspora musical esthetics. On the recording, Gates continues to shout and ends with the blues like melisma six one three two three five on the major pentatonic scale with the entire congregation singing together. Lord, have mercy. The emphasis on a minor pentatonic scale and the inclusion of vocal melisma is hint at the gospel blues vocal style as well as other subsequent black sacred musical practices. The recordings of Reverend Gates present present the participatory style of preaching and singing rooted in working class churches of the day. I suggest that these esthetics and performance practices are representative of an unbroken, embedded tradition and vernacular black culture as a continuation from slavery through the early nineteen hundreds in the context of a modern mediated format of the recording. Returning to the ING's opening example from Sutton breaks, I suggest that it presents a different sound esthetic from that of Reverend Gates. Some background on Gregs may clarify why around 1920, Reverend Setton Great's plan to convert the Memphis Tabernacle Baptist Church into a, quote, institutional church that would teach domestic science to make better cooks for white Memphis homes and provide the white community with well-trained black labor, unquote.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532#t=884.13,1046.94"},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/8","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"Because of his conservative strategies, some whites supported Grig, declaiming him as a, quote, thrifty, intelligent, self respecting Negro, unquote, and endorsed his work through speaking engagements and financial contributions to the building of the church because of the labor shortage caused by the Great Migration. Some white Memphis business owners and industrialists tried to keep blacks from immigrating to the north and used Gregs as a spokesperson against immigration. As a result, some members of the black community believed he was inhibiting the advancement of the black race and labeled Griggs as a, quote, Uncle Tom, an accommodationist. In 1928, just after the period that Greig's made his plans to convert the Memphis Tabernacle Church, he recorded six sermonettes. Greig's oratory style and musical practices highlight Victorian's sound esthetics and lack the improvisatory and musical elements associated with the emotionalism of working class black church preachers such as Reverend Gaits in his delivery style. Griggs, orated in a monotone voice with little differentiation in pitch, had in your range consistent vocal timbre and clear diction. It was in jest. One died night during the World War II. Open Boat was carrying a crew composed of white and legal men. All of great sermons are structured cleanly. Separate speech from music, hymns or spirituals are sung by themselves at the end of the recordings and lacked the layered techniques of African diasporic esthetics. These sung portions are no more formally arranged style without improvization presenting a rehearsed and well-prepared performance in four part harmony. Similar to the Fisk Jubilee Singers for part arrangements in the Greeks recording, there is no emotional exuberance and the performance is relatively even managed. The lead Soprano's voice has a pure timbre and consistent vibrato, giving it the impression of a formally trained or simply trained voice consistent with Victorian ideals of quote unquote, good singing style and European classical singing techniques.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532#t=1048.42,1184.38"},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/9","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"There are no vocal interjections from the studio congregation, and it is clearly a different style of performance from the recordings made by Gates. The fact that there are no audible interjections or even hums from his congregation points to his disassociation from the black working class churches that x in favor of a reformed, modern vocal style considered more refined. All of the six guys that Greg recorded, Greg's recorded have similar vocal qualities. However, in one sermon, self-examination, great quotes from another minister, presumably black, as he inserts a vernacular idioms, creating a noticeable change in his speech rather than orating in his clearly enunciated language. He's subtly styles switches to vernacular black speech patterns using DAT rather than that. He also uses for inaccurate phrases that imply a lack of education, such as when his money runs out and when he come to himself by giving the interpretation of another five minutes. The ministers said, Oh man, what a good song. Wasted the money just just give giving when his money runs out. He pulled off this coup and sold it. When that money was gone, he pulled up to this and sold back. When he'd done that, he had come to himself. Are these examples of parody that are intended to set Gregs apart as educated? While disparaging his fellow folk ministers as lacking in education and sophistication, such style switching seems to articulate the class tensions within the black community. However, although Greig's employed styles switching in his oratory, he does not style switch or attempt to parody into the working class vernacular, singing in musical style and instead maintained refind ideals of proper singing. If Reverend Gregs were trying to identify with white culture, then stylistic parameters of language and music are ways in which he may have attempted to do so.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532#t=1185.67,1330.77"},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/10","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"His recordings demonstrate a style that was deemed as a more sophisticated and civilized religious style, and by emphasizing his fellow preachers use a vernacular language. Was he trying to demoralize or parody their blackness by implying that the use of vernacular black oration equated being uneducated? Additionally, the separation of music and speech in his sermons is a deviation from the standard musical expression and working class black churches, which typically included the integration of oration and song during the sermon and vocal interjections by congregation members throughout. Because record companies chose to avoid a version overtly racially themed sermons for fear of their association with or support for desegregation, and instead promoted the better selling records of preachers who preached themes addressed to the common man. This could partially explain why Grex record and sermons did not, comparing sales to those of the more popular preachers such as Reverend Briggs. Reverend Gates, I'm sorry. Greig's lost favor within the black community, lost his church due to unpaid debts and died a despairing man in 1933. Although Reverend Gates may not have had the public notoriety of Reverend Griggs, Gates vocal qualities, the cooperative effort with an enthusiastic participation from his congregation and the sales of his records, display his unification with his church congregation and larger community and working class values and esthetics. On the other hand, Reverend Greg Sermons displayed his preference for reserved sophistication, modern vocal and musical practices and Middle-Class Values. Taken together, the recordings of sermons by diverse preachers such as gates and grids highlight the complex interlocking nature of race and class in black communities. In the 1920s. Thank you. We're going to be changed. Do we need to change? Yes. Are we doing that? Wow, that's happening. Does anyone have any questions? Yes, sir.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532#t=1332.0,1468.88"},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/11","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"I know what you're up against. OK. Here we go. Yes, hi, I just wanted to congratulate you as a very good and interesting perspective on material. Definitely the issue of racial uplift shows heavily between north and south. And it's a very interesting topic. I was wondering if you had also thought about or considered that perhaps that your focus was strictly on the early 20s or mid 20s. Looked at Reverend Knick's. OK. It's an interesting topic all around. He speaks this issue of classism and as well as colorism in the black community. I mean, it's a huge topic is the whole symbolism itself. It is. And I'm very interested in how to do my dissertation on this topic because I think it is worthy of a larger study. I've looked at Nick's and I actually had him in my presentation originally, but it was too long. So I had to cut him out. But the main thing I wanted to focus on with Nick's was the singing of his congregation, because and I have to clarify this. The singing in his congregation sounds more like spirituals, like more moaning. And I have to get a good definition of spirituals in this example, not the Arain spirituals and the fist, but more like authentic spirituals has composed compared to Gates' congregation. Definitely had the gospel blues sound. And so I'm going to analyze musically the differences between those voices and how they may have represented different things within the working class. And isn't it interesting that Gates's recordings outsold all of the others? I happen to have a large collection of original sermons and singing Suddenly AIDS. But it's interesting that that Gates seemed to prevail and that the vision of the record company for what was authentic.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532#t=1471.04,1603.28"},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/12","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"Also, the new African-American spirits, even though in the north they rejected that and then sold stock in churches, especially the Methodists and Amy and Presbyterian black churches in Harlem, that this was not the style. This is the style of what Gates actually became like a pop star, in a sense. I mean, he was marketed and promoted on in every aspect, and he really was extremely popular. And I mean, just the fact that he recorded over 220 was pretty amazing, considering it was the style that was considered to be, you know, rough. I guess you might say the rebels were authentic. But it's interesting. But if you look at the I'm just I'm just as a side comment, it's interesting that the record companies closed and of course, not just chose with obviously with the fact that they sold so well then that, you know, by itself, I mean, if he's going to sell better than the others and who's gonna get the opportunity. So and who defines to the to the larger public what is authentic or what is not? And it's an interesting look at that from also from that lens. That's all I'm saying. Definitely. I loved you. I loved your presentation. Thank you. Thank you.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532#t=1604.63,1673.03"}]},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991","type":"AnnotationPage","label":{"en":["English [Transcript]"]},"items":[{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/97532/transcript/18991/annotation/13","type":"Annotation","motivation":"subtitling","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/file_transcripts/associated_files/000/018/991/original/open-uri20200924-1397-jkkvw1?1600952815","format":"text/vtt","language":"en"},"target":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/file_transcripts/associated_files/000/018/991/original/open-uri20200924-1397-jkkvw1?1600952815"}]}]},{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/255745","type":"Canvas","label":{"en":["Media File 2 of 2 - ARSC_conf_2016_Brinegar_audio.mp3"]},"duration":1670.53863,"width":640,"height":360,"thumbnail":[{"id":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/public/images/audio-default.png","type":"Image","format":"image/png"}],"items":[{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/255745/content/1","type":"AnnotationPage","items":[{"id":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/255745/content/2/annotation/1","type":"Annotation","motivation":"painting","body":{"id":"https://aviary-p-arsc.s3.wasabisys.com/collection_resource_files/resource_files/000/255/745/original/ARSC_conf_2016_Brinegar_audio.mp3?1730749400","type":"Audio","format":"audio/mpeg","duration":1670.53863,"width":640,"height":360},"target":"https://arsc.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1145/collection_resources/29702/file/255745","metadata":[]}]}],"annotations":[]}]}